无糖主义

永远到春秋想起来减肥~~~

我事情多阿事情多
来不及阿来不及

姑且草草地定个计划~
今天看掉reading course；
今天把test1单词被掉；
明天完成spot dictation;
这个礼拜做掉公关课的作业;
星期三把采访稿干掉，整理杂志初稿；
星期五完成英语作文和movie interview；
小妹生日前把25%六级词汇背掉；
逢一三五去刷必锻；
星期六前完成封面，广告，和投稿页面；
星期天自学宏经~~汗|||
星期一看《历史的观念》
每天起来晨跑
省钱省钱省钱

天哪~~~完全不可能，当我没说过……
痴人说过梦了，洗洗睡了……

    和很多人说，有天我会去看演唱会，就去看mayday的。

    19号下了公关课和fish以及同去看jump!的阿甘讲起，说我也是分不清楚谁是谁的那种，1相当惊讶的样子，我说没关系，这个不影响我high的。
    昨天，坐在355rmb的位子上，看内场的人从开场舞台亮灯的那一秒直到结束全场亮灯的那一秒，几乎没有停止不知疲倦兴高采烈地不住挥动荧光棒，这一刻，会感觉到——无论自己多high——都有一种游离。每次前奏出来的时候，四面八方就是一阵欢呼，爽爽可以像报幕的一样报出下面要唱的那首歌，这一刻，会感觉到一种游离。接近4个小时的演唱会，有很多个这样的一刻。
　真是很好的呢，一群人，陪5个人完成他们的梦想。

    也会困惑，觉得阿信也没有很煽啊，却看到一个一个都是眼泪要下来的样子，想终究还是旁观的原因吧，如爽爽这般四年三场一场不拉下的孩子的心，我又岂会懂呢。

    听到最重要的小事的时候,打电话给他,作了俗不可耐的事情,心里温馨无比...

    回来的时候用了一个小时在打车上。走了很长的路之后终于决定不走了也再也走不动了，站在大马路上和前面后面等着叫车的人暗自较劲，直到前无古人后无来者，直到看到有车就伸手，管他是不是空车，管他是不是差头，最后一部不亮“空车”灯的锦江居然真的停下来，眼见着车里的人结帐，真是看到海市蜃楼的感觉。和爽爽、loki在零点的夜空下笑疯……

    最近总有怕老的念头在脑袋里打转,好在昨天之后,觉得自己果然还是年轻无极限,哈哈

The party congress in China
China, beware
Oct 11th 2007
From The Economist print edition
The country's rulers care too much for their own welfare, and too little about the rural
peasants

BASKING in its 2008 Olympic glow, no longer shy at counting itself among the world's greats and blessed
with a still booming economy, China looks the coming power. And so it is, up to a point. Yet as the
Communist Party's bigwigs assemble behind closed doors in Beijing for their five-yearly congress, it is
China's frailties, not its strengths, that preoccupy them.

Not for the first time, Hu Jintao, the party's boss and China's president, rightly picks out two big
problems: the widening gap between China's mostly urban rich and its mostly rural poor, and the party's
lack of “internal democracy”—comrade-speak for accountability and the courage to question and debate.
In other words, neither China's Communist Party nor its village dwellers are keeping up as the rest of
China changes fast. None of the 1.3 billion ordinary Chinese gets a vote in the party's secretive
conclaves. But among more than 700m left-behind peasants, frustrations are building (see article).

As in any fast-developing economy, for all its successes China's breakneck growth masks a multitude of
problems, from rampant corruption and devastating pollution to a frail banking system and the lack of
independent courts to uphold the rule of law. Meanwhile, three decades of “get rich quick” advice from
party central have left the country divided between a richer coast and still impoverished interior, between
upwardly mobile city dwellers and stagnating rural communities. These days, the income disparity
between China's richest few and poorest many (peasants, migrant workers, pensioners) would make
many a modern capitalist blush.

From communism to carpet-baggers
Mr Hu has tried to accommodate some demands for change. Most recently, a law was passed that for the
first time enshrines private property rights—a huge ideological leap for a party with its origins a long
march back in Mao's communes. But like much else in China, these new rights will benefit mostly citydwellers;
a growing urban middle class will now be able to buy and sell their homes or businesses. In the
countryside, where peasants are able only to lease their land, not own it (and not even use it as
collateral for loans), the new law will do nothing to rectify the landgrabs orchestrated by venal local
officials, who turf people off the land so as to do lucrative deals with carpet-bagging developers.

OnAsia
In this and other ways, the reforms that Deng Xiaoping first launched in China's countryside 30 years ago
have now left its peasants in the ditch. But village dwellers have not only seen their city compatriots get
richer quicker; increasingly, their own concerns have also been neglected. Since 1989, when disgruntled
workers joined student democracy protesters and it all ended in bloodshed on Beijing's Tiananmen
Square, a ruling party fearful of any further challenge to its power has paid better heed to the grievances
of China's urban masses. Urbanites have won greater freedom to spend their rising incomes as they
wish, while much ballyhooed experiments in greater village democracy have gone nowhere. With access
to the internet and mobile phones, China's middle classes can organise themselves to oppose, say, the
siting of an unwanted chemicals factory and thus draw government attention. Despite many thousands of
village protests each year against corrupt officials, poor medical services and bad schools, China's
peasants—more dispersed, less organised and therefore more easily ignored or suppressed—can usually
do little but seethe.

Mr Hu bemoans China's widening inequalities, but has so far done little to bridge them. In fact there is
much that could improve the peasants' lot. Growth at any cost has led to a tax system that unduly
favours the wealthy regions that generate their income through industry. Central government could
adjust that. It could help further by shouldering a much bigger share of the costs of basic health care and
education in the rural areas. Of the five tiers of government, a couple could be stripped away and not be
missed. Indeed, thinning the ranks of idle cadres with their fingers in the coffers would ease the financial
burden on China's hard-pressed villagers.

Shooting for trouble
Are such reforms too extensive and costly for a still developing country such as China? No longer. Four
years ago, China put its first man in space (only the third country to do so, after Russia and America), at
what true cost the government will not say. Now it is aiming for the moon, at a cost of many more
billions: its first (unmanned) moon-shot is expected to take place soon. Like the Olympics, China's space
programme is an expensive publicity stunt, designed to encourage nationalist fervour in a population—
and a party—long since bored with the maxims of Marx, Lenin and Mao.
Another way in which Mr Hu and his comrades could help the peasants would be to divert some of the
double-digit annual increases in defence spending to help the estimated 40% of China's villages that
have no access to running water. The trouble is that China's military build-up has become the measure of
the party's commitment to another nationalist cause that it has stoked in an effort to bolster its tattered
credentials: the eventual recovery, by persuasive hook or military crook, of the island of Taiwan, which
China claims as its own.

So far the combination of this appeal to nationalism and the pursuit of economic growth at almost any
price has helped the party maintain its grip. But just as China's periodic shrill threats to Taiwan threaten
the stability of the wider region, so the plight and growing anger of China's peasantry are a harbinger of
potential trouble ahead at home.

It is trouble that China's Communist Party is increasingly ill-prepared to deal with. For all Mr Hu's rhetoric
about greater internal democracy, the party is too fearful for its own survival to open itself up to a
genuine clash of ideas. Although a few brave voices have called for that (see article), there has been no
open debate in the run-up to the congress about how to address any of China's pressing rural problems.
To add to their burdens, China's peasants are saddled with a ruling party that is too worried about its
own survival to spend more than a little lip-service on theirs.

stu.fudan.edu.cn/2pi

华东地区高校下载应该都在1mb/s左右
大家没事儿都下来看看，提提意见哈

5：00起床
6：15出门
7：05到达南站
7：25发车
9：22一个长觉后到达诸暨
1：30第二觉
3：00起来
4：00又睡
……

广告学概论作业

http://www.neocha.com 

一个新生代创意门户网站，有很多音乐视觉的东西

前两天去采访设计师小店的时候店主姐姐推荐给我的

顺便帮她也做个广告

http://www.neocha.com/moguyin 

店主姐姐自己的作品蘑菇因，我觉得很赞

沈宏非写吃，每一句都是切中要害的痛快淋漓，那是真的彪悍……

"不要让虫子成为你家的装饰．＂
［杀虫剂广告］

"我从来不读经济学人"——管理培训生，42岁


“永远不会在电梯里遇到老板”——经济学人


中奖